A number of Torres' works appear in anthologies, such as Dawnland Voices: An Anthology of Indigenous Writing from New England and Recognition, Sovereignty Struggles, and Indigenous Rights in the United States: A Sourcebook, and she has facilitated many formal discussions surrounding indigenous rights in America (Rose). Along with a fellow Schaghticoke tribal member, Trudie Lamb-Richmond, Torres co-edited the section in Dawnland Voices focusing on the Schaghticoke tribe.
In Torres’ 2014 op-ed, “Six things you did not know about the federal acknowledgement of Indian tribes,” she presents the basics of federal acknowledgement of Indian tribes in clear, plain language, with plenty of humor and wit. The piece highlights the many struggles that Native people face when seeking recognition, and similar issues. Torres is particularly invested in Tribal Recognition practices, as the Schaghticoke, have been alternatively recognized and de-recognized at both state and federal levels over the course of history. Their status is still presently unresolved, and the Schaghticoke people remain in a kind of political limbo. Torres comes from a long pedigree of Schaghticoke writers addressing government entities, particularly concerning sovereignty and tribal rights.
Torres is particularly on point in her op-ed, wittily engaging a largely uniformed audience, while also insisting on the lasting presence of Native peoples in New England. It is a commonly held belief that all the Native people in New England died after King Philip’s War, which did result in the deaths of many Native people. Although many Natives lived on after Philip was executed, the public delusion that Native populations disappeared after the conflict still persists in the twenty-first century. Indians still live in New England, and our constant denial of that is harmful, which Torres underscores.
Torres' awareness of public perception of Native people is apparent in her bitingly accurate recognition of policies and media that continue to make Native struggles difficult today. Torres explains how changes to the federal recognition process are not actually making the process easier for tribes, and she notes how the media portray Indians as freeloaders who want to take advantage of tribal sovereignty (which then perpetuates broader public biases against all Natives). Torres highlights how reality is quite different than media scape-goating, citing the City of Sherrill vs. Oneida Indian Tribe case, which holds that tribal sovereignty will not be restored just because the historically tribal land was repurchased. Essentially, land that has been Indian land for generations (hundreds of years) that has moved to other hands, often through illegal processes, becomes no longer accessible by Natives. Torres highlights how such cases are unfortunately common, and that Native rights are consistently challenged, denied, or whittled away, despite constant effort to maintain them. Her writing is enriched by deep research and an awareness of mainstream media bias; she is careful and methodical in making her points clear and well-informed.
Again, aware of media presentation and public biases and false perceptions, Torres notes that the Obama administration has been trumpeted for making federal recognition “easy." While the changes to the process of federally recognizing tribes have definitely made it easier for Natives to have their tribes recognized, the process remains far from “easy”. Torres succinctly writes:
Rebuilding a tribal nation’s infrastructure after nearly four hundred years of purposeful demolition is difficult, and over the last decade, has been further complicated by U.S. Supreme Court rulings. And, by the way, this is a national issue – affecting the future of Indian peoples across the country – and none of the local media outlets are reporting on that.
Beyond defending her own community, Torres recognizes the jeopardy of all tribal Nations and peoples. While she writes from her own tribal perspective, her writing reaches beyond their sphere and recognizes the national import of these issues, both in the media, and in their impacts on the many Native peoples involved.
Torres writes beyond her own tribe, remarking that tribal recognition is only one issue amongst many that Native people face in a global context. Showing her vision beyond the local, Torres notes that the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, released in 2007, announced that the rest of the world “must understand, negotiate with and live among the world’s indigenous populations" (Torres). The Declaration had been in process for over twenty-five years by the time it was revealed. Torres notes the magnitude of the many injustices Natives in our country must face, and the various frictions that exacerbate their ability to do so. As a powerful, persuasive living example, Torres has dedicated much of her life to fighting these injustices and educating other people about them, so that maybe they can do the same.
CharterOak State College. "Alumni Spotlight: Ruth Garby Torres." CharterOak State College. Jan. 2010. Web. 18 Apr. 2015.
---. Alumni. CharterOak State College. 2015. Web. 18 Apr. 2015.
Rose, Christina. "Connecticut Attacks Proposed Fed Rec Revisions, Fears Land Claims, Casinos." Indian Country Today Media Network. 10 June 2014. Web. 15 Apr. 2015.
Indian Legal Program. "Speaker Biographies." Who Decides You're Real? Fixing the Federal Recognition Process. January 16-17, 2014, Arizona State University, College of Law, Ventana Ballroom, Tempe, AZ. Tempe, AZ: Indian Legal Clinic, 2014. Web.
Rodriguez, Karla. "Spotlight on CAWP Member Ruth Garby Torres: A Woman of the Future." Connecticut Association of Women Police. Hollis Internet Marketing, LLC, 2011. Web. 18 Apr. 2015.
Torres, Ruth Garby. "Op-Ed: Six Things You Did Not Know about the Federal Acknowledgment of Indian Tribes." The CT Mirror. The Connecticut News Project, 03 June 2014. Web. 15 Apr. 2015.
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This basket, housed at the Mt. Kearsarge Indian Museum, is a fancy basket hamper decorated with cowiss that dates to c. 1900s. Cowiss is the Abenaki word for the spiral strips of splint that add texture to the basket (Wiseman 135). The inside wefts (horizontal splints) are dyed a pretty sea green and provide an appealing contrast to the tan colored warps (vertical splints) (McMullen 20). This basket is representative of the type of basket that would be found in non-native basketseller catalogues (Clark).
After fancy baskets rose in demand and popularity, "non-native middlemen set out to organize and control the basket industry by preparing wholesale catalogues, supplying tools and molds and raw materials (including dyes), and dictating what baskets would be made" (Porter 67). Non-native middlemen hoped to streamline the basket selling process in order to increase their profits and facilitate the transportation of baskets to customers. However, this had the following negative impact on native basketmakers:
-Basketmakers made less money per basket
-Basketmakers were no longer in control of the designs and styles of the baskets
-Basketmakers were no longer free in expressing themselves through their basketry
-The catalogues showcased large amounts of the same type of baskets, which reduced the value of each basket
The St. Regis Indian Trading Company is one example of this type of middleman industry. Their catalogue, for instance, illustrates baskets as one of many instead of one of a kind. The catalogue describes a similar basket as follows: "hampers for soiled linen, made Urn shape of fine splint sides decorated with rows of curl trimming, detachable covers" (St. Regis Indian Trading Company). Because it focuses on the physical function and appearance of the basket, the description strips the basket of character and personality. It attempts to reduce the basket into an object without a story. Before middleman companies, baskets were usually purchased either directly from the basketmaker or through a family member or friend. The transaction itself was interactive, social and a part of the story of the basket. The catalogue removed the necessity of meeting the creator and turned the transaction into any other everyday purchase.
Because basketmakers were no longer able to make a living on selling baskets alone, many of them took other jobs in order to feed their families (Porter). Less and less American Indians taught their children or made baskets. Many assumed that basketry was a dying art form until American Indians from various tribes took it upon themselves to revitalize basketry. Today many Abenaki are able to make a living through basketmaking. Furthermore, baskets are treated as more than a functional object or as art: they are full of stories.
Clark, Lynn. "Comments on Basket Essays." 8 Aug. 2012. E-mail.
McMullen, Ann. Key into the Language of Woodsplint Baskets. Institution for American Indian Studies, 1987. Print.
Mundell, Kathleen. North by Northeast: Wabanaki, Akwesasne Mohawk, and Tuscarora Traditional Arts. Tilbury House Publishers, 2008. Print.
Porter, Frank W. The Art of Native American Basketry: A Living Legacy. Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group, 1990. Google Books. Web. 29 Aug. 2012.
St. Regis Indian Trading Company. "St. Regis Indian Trading Company Catalogue." 46-47. Print.
Wiseman, Frederick Matthew. The Voice of the Dawn: An Autohistory of the Abenaki Nation. University Press of New England, 2001. Print.
]]>For generations of indigenous people, the art of basketry has been a primary source of economic survival and cultural preservation. Basket making is never a solitary process; from the gathering and preparation of materials, learning the many styles and techniques of basketry, to marketing and distribution, networks of people become involved and play crucial roles in their manufacturing. From traveling basket makers in Victorian times to present-day craftspeople showcasing their work in fairs and conventions, basketry continues to emphasize the importance of family life and oral tradition along with the relevance of non-text based communal literacy.
This particular basket is a small berry basket featuring a floral pattern, alternating horizontal bands of red and blue, and a series of diagonal dash marks next to every flower. According to Wabanaki basket expert Gaby Pelletier, berry baskets tended to be made quickly and efficiently so they could be used to hold fruits that would be sold along with their container. The patterns on the sides may have been created using potato stamps, a method of decorating that quickened the production of baskets for selling purposes and according to Pelletier is highly unusual for Abenaki baskets to have. This basket’s floral design may have been used to attract white clients to the berries being sold by evoking imagery from European art styles; however it could also be interpreted as being a symbol of nature, thus showing the ability of indigenous people to maintain their cultural identity while still appeasing white settlers. Small berry baskets such as this were also helpful in allowing children to pick fruit alongside their families and enabling them to observe cultural traditions and learn valuable life skills. Yet Pelletier also explains that the basket's handle is indicative of European influence, as its attachments are too delicate for the wear that it would have received during berry picking, perhaps suggesting that this basket may have been sold as a souvenir rather than used for utilitarian purposes.
Family life always has been and continues to be a key factor in the preservation of the basket making tradition among Native Americans of New England. In the film "Our Lives in Our Hands" by Harold Prins and Karen Carter, a documentary examining Mi'kmaq basketry, the majority of people interviewed described their family as playing a crucial role in how they acquired their basket making abilities. Several of the people interviewed described how they learned through watching relatives weaving for years, echoing the importance of a non-text based form of literacy. While both men and women take an equal part in the process of weaving, men were traditionally more likely to go out into the woods to cut down and pound the ash trees that baskets were typically made from. However, one man interviewed did mention that due to the decline in passing down traditions such as basket making (and language), he has started showing his daughters how to make the tools such as axes needed to make splints along with his son.
Once colonists began arriving in New England, baskets became a link between the native people and the Europeans. Lisa Neuman's article "Basketry as Economic Enterprise and Cultural Revitalization" explains the history of basketry as a non-threatening economic enterprise: "Beginning in the 1860s, Wabanaki families began to set up summer encampments in Maine's famed resort area of Bar Harbor, on Mt. Desert Island, primarily to sell baskets and crafts to tourists and the island's wealthy summer residents. At Bar Harbor, Wabanaki families would sell door to door and invite potential customers to visit their encampments, sometimes dressing in clothing that met tourists' romanticized expectations of Indianness to attract sales (Neuman 93)". This method of sales enabled Indigenous craftspeople to introduce European settlers to their way of life, allowing these colonists to lift the veil and see them not as stereotypes, but rather as another culture with similarities to their own. The essay "'A Precarious Living': Basket Making and Related Crafts Among New England Indians" by Nan Wolverton reaffirms the communal nature of basketry: "Like basket makers, chair bottomers traveled to the homes of their customers, and there they performed their craft, often telling stories simultaneously. By spending many hours within the family circles, these artisans often earned the respect and friendship of their customers through their work and their stories" (Wolverton 356-357). Maintaining repeat customers was very common among Native basket members, and in some instances this resulted in lifelong friendships between whites and Native Americans. This sort of traveling salesmanship can be seen as bridging the divide between Native peoples and the white societies they lived on the fringes of through the trust gained through their craftsmanship.
Today basket and craft fairs encourage communication between tribes as well as between native and non-native residents of New England. These fairs encourage non-native people to ask questions and learn through hearing directly from tribe members about their trade and culture. These conversations echo the early tenuous cross-cultural bridges made between Native people and the colonists whose homes they visited to demonstrate their craft and tell their stories in the 1800s. Annual craft fairs are also a way for members of the same tribe to get together and talk to one another face to face. These fairs provide an “opportunity to travel and spend time with relatives from around the region. Basket sales also provide people with the opportunity to promote cross-cultural awareness, and this can be intertribal as well as intercultural” (Neuman 97). The Mi'kmaq tribe also has a “Basket Bank”, a place where craftspeople making baskets can bring their work to sell for a fairer price than they might receive elsewhere, and in turn their baskets are resold as well as used for demonstrations or showcasing in museums. Websites such as the Maine Indian Basketmakers Alliance provide information about upcoming basket and craft fairs with links to websites for tribes in Maine, museums, and national basket associations as well as showcasing their mission statements: preservation of natural resources such as sweet grass for future generations, expanding markets, and maintaining and handing down traditions for younger generations and other tribes.
Calloway, Colin G., ed. Reinterpreting New England Indians and the Colonial Experience. 2003. Print.
Neuman, Lisa K. "Basketry as Economic Enterprise and Cultural Revitalization: The Case of the Wabanaki Tribes of Maine." Wicazo Sa Review. 25.2 (2010): 86-106. Print.
Dir. Prins, Harold, and Carter, Karen. Our Lives in Our Hands. Northeast Historic Film. DVD.
Made from ash splint and detailed with Hong Kong Cord, this berry basket stands out because of the handwritten note on its ash splints that names the encampment on Bassett Mill Road in Hopkinton, NH as the location where it was sold and possibly made. The various splints of varying shapes and sizes, which were "not cut using a gauge as is typical of later baskets made by Abenaki artisan basketmakers," indicate the basket as utilitarian (Hopkinton Historical Society). The basket "is physical evidence of Native American life in Hopkinton in the 1800s," which is important because Indians in New England are commonly presumed to have disappeared (Hopkinton Historical Society). This basket is one object among many that offers proof of Native Americans in New England and is representative of Abenaki culture, tradition, and survival.
Hong Kong cord, "a commercially produced cord of natural fibers, imported and sold to native Americans for use in woodsplint baskets," was used instead of sweetgrass to speed up production, which shows the Abenaki ability to adapt in order to survive economically (McMullen 19). Despite being hard to acquire, sweegrass is still used in baskets today. Because Baskets have taken a more artistic and cultural meaning, they can sell for much more. Being able to use different materials, however, is important to many basketmakers. For example, Judy Dow and Gail Tremblay use modern and sometimes unusual materials while still weaving in the traditional way. They do this because it is important to preserve the process even if traditional materials are increasingly difficult to find.
Ash trees are becoming rarer because of the emerald ash borer, an invasive species from Asia. The emerald ash borer attacks the ash tree, eating the leaves while the larvae burrow into the tree bark, making it unsuitable for making into splints. Because the ash borer is so devastating to the ash tree, it has a big affect on the Native community, especially those who pound ash for baskets. There are efforts, however, to preserve the tree and stop the spread of the emerald ash borer. The Cerceris wasp, for example, makes a good predator for the emerald ash borer. Education is also a powerful tool as the transportation of firewood is the easiest and fastest way for the borer to spread. Discouraging people from transporting firewood is the best way to prevent the spread of the borer.
Some Abenaki are also involved in conservation efforts. For example, the Nulhegan tribe along with the Sierra Club of Vermont is advocating for tribal and town forests called the Our Forests Our Future initiative: "The land we walk upon is a gift and from that land my people were able to meet their every need and maintain the beauty of the land" (SierraClubVT). The forests would only be used for traditional activities such as sustainable hunting and fishing, recreational activities such as hiking, and would serve as “a place to teach our children the simplicity of sustainable living and stewardship” (SierraClubVT). These forests would also help with the acquirement of ash trees for basketmaking as well as provide clean air to breathe in addition to clean medicine and food. One of the goals of the project is to provide safe, natural habitats and migration routes for animals. By building community, sustainable resources, and a sanctuary for wildlife, tribal and town forests offer many positive aspects for both natives and non-natives alike. The natural materials of this basket are an important part of Abenaki culture as illustrated through the Abenaki creation story. The only way that baskets can continue to be made with traditional materials is through conservation and preservation.
As emphasized in many of the basket descriptions, the passing down of traditional ways to the younger generation is imperative to the continuance of the Abenaki culture. The goal of teaching children traditional ways is underscored on the Nulhegan Abenaki website: "Teaching our young ones the skills and customs of our ancestors keeps our heritage alive. We empower our children to, not only to survive but, thrive during economic hardships by utilizing the traditions and practices of our ancestors, such as organic agriculture and permaculture" ("Culture"). Town and tribal forests can also serve as a place to teach children traditional ways as well as teach non-native children a more accurate depiction of history and Abenaki way of life in order to break down erroneous stereotypes.
"Culture." Nulhegan Abenaki Tribe. Nulhegan Abenaki Tribe, 2012. Web. 21 July 2012.
McMullen, Ann. Key into the Language of Woodsplint Baskets. Institution for American Indian Studies, 1987.
Mundell, Kathleen. North by Northeast: Wabanaki, Akwesasne Mohawk, and Tuscarora Traditional Arts. TilburyHousePublishers, 2008.
SierraclubVT. Luke Willard at Vermont May Day Rally 2012-Abenaki Tribal Forests. YouTube. YouTube, 10 May 2012. Web. 21 July 2012.
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Probably used to store fruits and vegetables, this basket was made to hang on a hook on the wall (Hopkinton Historical Society). Wide-open spaces at the bottom of the basket would allow air to circulate facilitating the quick drying of food or other items placed in the basket (Hopkinton Historical Society). According to the Hopkinton Historical Society, there is a residue on the inside of the basket that may suggest something wet was hung to dry inside it (Hopkinton Historical Society). The strong handle would probably be able to support a heavy load. In addition, the edge of the basket is reinforced with a continuous splint in a spiral formation. The strength of the basket illustrates the skill with which baskets are made. Although the basket is utilitarian in nature, "red and black natural dyes were swabbed on the exterior of some of the splints and on the visible portion of the interior"(Hopkinton Historical Society). The visible black splints make a square checkerboard shape, which compliments the pattern of the plain colored splints. The black splints were dyed with natural dyes, which suggest the date of the basket to be from the late 1700s to mid 1800s (Hopkinton Historical Society).
But what analysis can be gained by looking at a basket? How much can a basket say? In her essay, "The Cultural Work of a Mohegan Painted Basket," Stephanie Fitzgerald writes, "Baskets, which were and still are ceremonial and utilitarian objects used for transportation and storage of items, prayer ceremonies, and traditional games, function as communicative devices. In sum, by touching every aspect of daily Native life, both past and present, basketry is imbued with cultural and spiritual power" (Fitzgerald 53). As an object needed for daily use, baskets have a direct connection to daily Native life. Because a basket is connected to the community, both now and in the past, through the basket making process and through its functional uses, baskets form a big part of Abenaki culture and tradition.
Non-native written documents are biased and looking at non-alphabetic texts can create a bigger picture and form a more complete version of history. In his article, "Oral Tradition as Complement," Gordon Day writes, "All through the period of discovery, exploration and colonization they caught only glimpses of the Indian's attitudes, motivations, and understanding of the situation, and they were obviously not in a position to observe many events which were witnessed by Indian observers" (Day). In other words, non-native texts cannot explain everything because there is much that was only seen through the Indian's perspectives. Additionally, non-native writers were often biased and could not understand the position of the Abenaki: "dialogue with indigenous records enable us to imagine a literary tradition routed in negotiation and dialogues - rather than simply conquest and colonial monologues as the foundation of American Literature" (Rasmussen 9). The possibility of "A literary tradition routed in negotiation and dialogues" is why baskets are included within this archive (9). They are witnesses to a larger picture of history. Furthermore, because the Abenaki are not federally recognized it is important to appreciate baskets as a form of documentation that proves the continuing presence of Abenaki people, culture and traditions. As part of the criteria for recognition includes “documentation of sustained unity and government,” baskets can only aid the goal (Lindholm).
The Abenaki are not federally recognized, however, four Abenaki bands, The Missisquoi, the Koasek, The Nulhegan, and Elnu tribes, have Vermont state recognition. This state recognition is important because of three reasons. First, it allows their artisans to sell items with the Native American made label, which lets the artisans sell their wares for a higher price. This enables many basketmakers to be financially independent through their craft. Second, it “allows members to apply for some federal programs including housing and education grants” (Lindholm). It opens the doors for the society to progress. Third, it provides a positive emphasis on their idea of identity. In other words, they no longer have to fight as hard to convince others of their identification as Abenaki: "Wabanaki Basketry can be used by Wabanaki people to assert tribal sovereignty and promote decolonization" (Neuman 100). Basketry also works as an outlet of communication between natives and non-natives (Neuman). It enables the dialogue started by looking at native texts to continue.
By focusing only on written works, a heavily non-native view is explored. Baskets add an additional piece of the puzzle to the Abenaki view of the world. Baskets such as this one prove that the Abenaki had and continue to have their own concrete culture.
Although this basket is utilitarian and not decorative as some of the fancy baskets in this archive, the “textuality” or literary worth of the basket is evident through its materials, its uses, and the careful process of basketmaking. This archive aims to be one of inclusion, not exclusion. By including both utilitarian and fancy baskets in context with their materials, the process of basketmaking, and the way that baskets continue to affect the Abenaki and other tribes today, a larger literary picture is formed.
Dawnland: Abenaki Creation Story. Youtube Video,n.d.
Fitzgerald, Stephanie. "The Cultural Work of a Mohegan Painted Basket." Early Native Literacies in New England. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2008. 52-56. Print.
Lindholm, Jane. "Recognizing Vermont's Abenaki." Vermont Edition. Vermont Public Radio, 8 May 2012. Web. 13 July 2012.
McMullen, Ann. Key into the Language of Woodsplint Baskets. Institution for American Indian Studies, 1987. Print.
Mundell, Kathleen. North by Northeast: Wabanaki, Akwesasne Mohawk, and Tuscarora Traditional Arts. Tilbury House Publishers, 2008. Print.
Neuman, Lisa K. "Basketry as Economic Enterprise and Cultural Revitalization: The Case of the Wabanaki Tribes of Maine." Wicazo Sa Review. 25.2 (2010): 86-106.
Rasmussen, Birgit Brander. Queequeg’s Coffin: Indigenous Literacies and Early American Literature. Duke University Press Books, 2012. Print.
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Probably made by Mi’kmaq Indians, this small fancy basket was used as a holding place for locks of hair ("Hair Basket"). Keeping hair for sentimental value, "possibly the curls from a first haircut or a memento of a deceased loved one," was popular during Victorian times ("Hair Basket"). This particular basket belonged to Rose Putney Hanson of Hopkinton whose "grandfather, True Putney (1849-1904), remembered Native Americans coming to Hopkinton to sell baskets" ("Hair Basket"). This cylindrical basket is made out of ash splints and sweetgrass. The top edge of the basket is lined with ash splint lace, which was "used by Native basketmakers and was also sold to non-Native basketmakers such as the Shakers"("Hair Basket"). The inside of the basket has dyed purple splints but the outside splints probably lost their color because of sunlight exposure. Sweetgrass has a sweet scent that lasts long after the grass has been dried: "A popular grass that was used then and is still used today is sweetgrass, which is also a sacred grass used in Mi'kmaq ceremonies such as the sweetgrass ceremony that purifies and cleanses body, spirit, and mind" (Sark). This basket is included in the archive because it emphasizes Mi’kmaq culture.
One of the ways that the basket showcases Mi’kmaq culture is through its material. More than simple material, the sweetgrass in this basket has a deeper meaning. It is a plant that has a spiritual connotation. One version of the Mi'kmaq creation story explains how Kluskap's nephew was created by the joining of sweetgrass and the sea: "To honor Kluskap's nephew we braid the sweetgrass, the hair of mother earth" (A Mi'kmaq Creation Story). Basket materials, through their difficult procurement and association with the creation story, are just as important as the basket itself. This hair basket represents tradition, culture, and the hard work and careful mastery of Mi’kmaq basketmakers.
Mi'kmaqs have been making baskets for generations. The Mi'kmaqs adapted to economical change brought on by the Europeans by changing the types of baskets they made. Baskets were very important before contact with Europeans and were used for storage and the transportation of goods (Sark). After the Europeans arrived, Mi'kmaqs began trading baskets to Europeans in exchange for materials they did not have and these baskets were utilitarian in nature (Sark). In addition, baskets and the technique of basketmaking were used for the procurement of food: "They contributed to Mi'kmaq survival also by being used for fishing purposes: 'The larger fish were caught most commonly by two methods: one was to build a weir across the stream and to place a basket net in the mouth of a small opening. When the basket filled, it would be emptied and returned to the water'" (Sark). Later on during the 1800s, Mi'kmaqs made both utilitarian baskets and fancy baskets. Utilitarian baskets were sold to farmers during harvests to hold potatoes and other items (Carter). Unfortunately, the farmers overlooked the quality of the baskets and baskets did not sell for the price they were worth (Carter). Fancy baskets, on the other hand, were more decorative and could sell for a higher price. These baskets were appreciated for their art and intricate detail (Sark).
Making a basket is a difficult procedure. In his article, "Making a Micmac Basket," Roland Caplan explains how a Mi'kmaq basket is made with the instruction of Ellen Googoo, a long time Mi'kmaq basketmaker. The materials, he explains, are hard to come by: "the right wood is not easy to find. It must have good straight grain and no knots" (Caplan 3). The tree must also have "the right texture and the right sap" so that it will split right (Sark). Once the splints are made, they must be smoothed: "The step of smoothing is known as Nultaguan" (Caplan 4). A crooked knife, which has a handle with a curve to it, is used for this process (4). Once the splints are made, it is possible to dye them in different colors. Alternatively, the splints can be left to their natural color. Although commercial dye was used often in the 1800s, natural dye was also sometimes used: "When Mi'kmaq women wanted to include colour in their baskets, they could also dye strips of reed and grass, using berries in various concentrations to create the colours they wanted" (Sark). Different designs, colors, and ways of weaving the baskets each have a meaning and illustrate the artistic skill and passion of basketmakers. Even plain baskets have different widths of splints and patterns of weaving. There are various basket styles from plainer utalitarian baskets to fancy baskets decorated with quillwork. They are all a part of Mi'kmaq culture.
Mi'kmaq Indians are also known for their quillwork on baskets and birchbark. Quillwork is intricate and like basketry takes time and patience. Although few people are left who specialize in quillwork, classes and renewed interest are helping to keep this tradition alive. For example, “The Mi’kmaq Tradition of Quill Basket Making” describes the positive energy created by a quillwork class conducted by Mi’kmaq artisan Beverly Julian of Millbrook: “A sense of Mi’kmaq Pride resonated in a classroom downstairs at the Wagmatook Cultural center just before Christmass 2010” (Paul). The class has encouraged many students to pass down their skills to the next generation (Paul). The continuance of basket making relies on the teaching of the traditions to the younger generation. Their adaptability helps the tradition survive. Our Lives in Our Hands also depicts a basket making class filled with students of all ages. Although few people were making baskets, renewed interest is increasing the number of basketmakers as well as the number of people interested in purchasing baskets.
The mid to late 1900s were difficult for the Mi'kmaqs especially before their federal recognition in 1980 (Carter). Mechanization on farms made baskets obsolete and the allure of cheap machine-made objects easily shadowed the hard work and mastery that goes into making a basket (Carter). However, basketmaking is again making its way to the forefront. Various basketmakers, Mi'kmaq and otherwise, are emphasizing their handmade craft as something that is worth paying a high price for. For example, Rita Smith, was a basketmaker also known for her work for the First Nation Horton reserve. This video shows her teaching her grandchildren about basketmaking. In a world were most objects are mass produced by machines, a handmade object heavily stands out as representative of culture and physical skill.
This basket is important because it demonstrates the skill, adaptability, and devotion to detail and art of the Mi’kmaq people during a time that was historically very difficult. Despite changes in the economy as well as pressure from the Europeans to think and act in different ways, they were able to keep basket making, quillwork, and other traditions alive.
A Mi'kmaq Creation Story. Youtube. Youtube, 16 June 2011. Web. 27 June 2012.
Caplan, Ronald. "Making a MicMac Basket." Cape Breton's Magazine 1 Jan. 1973: 3-5. Print.
Carter, Karen, and Harold Prins, dirs. Our Lives in Our Hands. Documentary Educational Resources, 1986. Film.
"Hair Basket." Hopkinton Historical Society.
Paul, George. "Quill Basketry." Nova Scotia Basketry Guild. Nova Scotia Basketry Guild, n.d. Web.
Sark, Tiffany. "Basket Weaving." The Government of Prince Edward Island. Government of Prince Edward Island, 2001. Web. 27 June 2012.
]]>This fancy basket with a flip lid has dark colored handles on the side and a blueish green latch on the front. The edge of the basket is decorated in a spiral formation with small ash splints of the same color. A circle of dyed ash splint is the focal point of the basket while the rest of the basket is woven with sweet grass: "Sweetgrass is a perennial grass that occurs in a wide variety of habitats including moist meadows, riverbanks, forest edges, low prairies, wetlands, shorelines, roadsides, and other disturbed areas" (Shebitz 258). It is commonly used in basketry and is also used as “a ceremonial smudge and incense or medicine” (Shebitz 357). “Sweetgrass, which can only be gathered once a year in July” has a very sweet fragrance and retains its smell even after it has been dried (Fratini). The material is just as important as the final product and the fact that sweetgrass is used in baskets indicates that a basket is more than an object with only a functional purpose. This archive continuously argues that baskets can serve as a text. They can say just as much as a letter, a deed, or a petition as long as the context of the basket is examined. Although Indian literature was not always alphabetic, various tribes had their own forms of communication as well as a permanent way to pass on their traditions from generation to generation. This basket is part of that communication.
Like Ash trees, sweetgrass is becoming harder and harder to find: "it is becoming more difficult to locate, and gatherers believe that its population is declining " (Shebitz 258). However, steps are being taken to preserve what sweetgrass is left and introduce sweetgrass where there is no longer any. For example, Daniela J. Shebitz and Robin W. Kimmerer worked with Kanatsiohareke, a Mohawk farm, to explore the possibilities of the reestablishment of sweetgrass because "Traditional crafts made from locally grown plants can strengthen the community both by preserving traditional art forms, such as basketry, and by providing a means of income" (Shebitz 258). This project emphasizes the connection between plant, tradition, and community. Likewise, baskets are an important part of the Abenaki community both in the past and in the future.
Probably from the 1900s, this basket was created at the height of the fancy basket period. Because fancy baskets were very popular in the late 1800s, many Abenaki would travel to tourist destinations in New England. For example, Joseph Laurent, chief of the Abenaki at Odanak from 1880 to 1892, "set off south for the summer with a group of Abenaki and Sokoki Indians to sell baskets. In 1884 they settled on a permanent spot in Intervale" (101 New Hampshire Century). The permanent encampment in Intervale sold baskets among other items such as canoes (101). Joseph Laurent also published New Familiar Abenakis and English Dialogues. His son, Stephen Laurent, later continued work at the Indian Shop and eventually became inspired to translate a dictionary, which helped revitalize the Abenaki Language (Koenig). The shop stayed in business until the late 1900s. Baskets such as this one were probably sold at the shop. These handmade baskets were an essential source of income. The popularity of the baskets coupled with the economic independence provided by this camp and others like it, allowed the basketmaking tradition to survive. As the Abenaki are not federally recognized, baskets such as this one help to reaffirm the Abenaki presence in New England.
Baskets require context to understand. Similarly, the Abenaki language places a big importance on context. For example, Stephen Laurent explains, "Even the simple word 'hand' gave one missionary a great deal of trouble. The Jesuit, pointing to his own hand, looked inquiringly at the Indian. The latter grunted, 'Kelji,' meaning Your hand.' Later to verify his records, he repeated his question, pointing to the Indian's hand. This time the answer was, 'Nelji,' meaning 'My hand'" (New Hampshire Century 100). The word hand does not stand-alone; it belongs to someone. The context of the communication is important because it does not make sense for a hand to stand alone, it is part of something bigger: "Finally to isolate the noun, the missionary persuaded someone inside a wigwam to stick out his hand through a slit in the doorway. The answer was 'Awanelji,' 'Someone's hand.'" (100). Likewise, the context of baskets must be discovered for their textuality to be evident. The fancy basket "movement" illustrates the economic independence of American Indians at the end of the 18th century and beginning of the 19th century. Furthermore, the format of the Abenaki language explains why context is so important as far as Abenaki baskets and other texts are concerned. The hand must belong to someone because that is the way that hands work: without the person and context the hand is meaningless. Likewise the basket does not mean as much without the context surrounding it.
The next generation is just as important as the last generation: both are needed to strengthen a culture and keep it as a continuing presence. The strongest argument for how a basket counts as a text is in what a basket communicates to the decedents of the basketmaker. In a book dedicated to American Indian basketry, North By Northeast, Kathleen Mundell writes, “The work we create as artists connects us with our ancestors and leaves behind a connection for those yet to be born to remember who we are and were. The baskets, carvings, beadwork, tools, and items that made their way into museums still speak to us and teach us” (Mundell 26). As Joseph Laurent passed down his passion for the Abenaki language to his son Stephen Laurent, so too do others pass down the passion of basketmaking to the younger generations. A basket, when looked at in conjunction to its context can inspire the younger generation to continue the tradition.
Belman, Felice, and Mike Pride, eds. New Hampshire Century. Hanover: University Press of New England, 2001. Print.
Coombs, Linda. Guest Speaker. Indigenous New England. University of New Hampshire, Durham, NH. April 2012.
Fratini, Mary. "Basketmaker Continues Abenaki Family Heritage." Vermont Woman. Vermont Woman Publishing, Oct. 2004. Web. 15 June 2012.
Koenig, Sarah. "Legacy of a Saved Language." Concord Monitor 1999: n. pag. Native Languages of the Americas. Web. 11 June 2012.
Mundell, Kathleen. North by Northeast: Wabanaki, Akwesasne Mohawk, and Tuscarora Traditional Arts. TilburyHousePublishers, 2008.
Shebitz, Daniela J., and Robin W. Kimmerer. "Reestablishing roots of a mohawk community and a culturally significant plant: Sweetgrass." Restoration Ecology 13.2 (2005): 257-264. Business Source Corporate. Web. 11 June 2012
This is a small, purely decorative, fancy basket. The main structure of the basket is tightly woven with light colored ash splints. The even sized and very smooth splints indicate the later date of the basket. Small decorative curls, known as cowiss, fashioned out of a darker splint cover most of the outside of the basket. These curls, called cowiss, are a common decoration on fancy baskets. The handles of the basket, two on the sides and one on top, are highly decorative. Due to its style, the basket would have been an item popular among tourists in New England.
By continuing to make baskets, basketmakers today preserve a traditional way while also being involved members of their communities. Basketmaking creates a connection between ancestors, the older generation, and the younger generation that is important to the continuation of the art of basketry: "the work we create as artists connects us with our ancestors and leaves behind a connection for those yet to be born to remember who we are and were. The baskets, carvings, beadwork, tools, and items that made their way into museums still speak to us and teach us" (Mundell 26).
Basket styles continue to change, which is a testament to the adaptability of the Abenaki people: "Each new ash splint basket crafted by Abenaki basket-makers… is a modern creation, designed to meet current 21st-century needs. Yet behind each basket lies a fascinating, time-honored history of native woodworking and basket-crafting here in the northeast” (Goff). Despite changing styles, the legacy is never lost and the tradition and process of making a basket remains much the same as it used to.
Today various basketmakers such as Jesse Laroque, Jeanne Brink, Judy Dow, and Bill and Sherry Gould, keep the tradition alive by teaching apprentices and the younger generation, selling their wares, providing information, forming organizations and attending events that keep basketmaking a big part of New England culture. By keeping the tradition alive, Abenaki basketmakers are able to keep their tribe in the news and in the minds of the people of New England. And because for many years Indigenous peoples were erroneously labeled as disappeared from the area, being in the public eye helps to break down those stereotypes.
"Ash and Birchbark: The As and Bs of Traditional Baskets." U.S. National Park Service. N.p., 27 July 2012. Web. 27 July 2012.
Goff, John. "Abenaki Basketmaking." Salem Gazette [Salem] 24 June 2011: n. pag. Web. 27 July 2012.
Mundell, Kathleen. North by Northeast: Wabanaki, Akwesasne Mohawk, and Tuscarora Traditional Arts. Tilbury House Publishers, 2008.
Pelletier, Gaby. Abenaki Basketry. Ottawa: National Museums of Canada, 1982. Print.
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