This fancy basket with a flip lid has dark colored handles on the side and a blueish green latch on the front. The edge of the basket is decorated in a spiral formation with small ash splints of the same color. A circle of dyed ash splint is the focal point of the basket while the rest of the basket is woven with sweet grass: "Sweetgrass is a perennial grass that occurs in a wide variety of habitats including moist meadows, riverbanks, forest edges, low prairies, wetlands, shorelines, roadsides, and other disturbed areas" (Shebitz 258). It is commonly used in basketry and is also used as “a ceremonial smudge and incense or medicine” (Shebitz 357). “Sweetgrass, which can only be gathered once a year in July” has a very sweet fragrance and retains its smell even after it has been dried (Fratini). The material is just as important as the final product and the fact that sweetgrass is used in baskets indicates that a basket is more than an object with only a functional purpose. This archive continuously argues that baskets can serve as a text. They can say just as much as a letter, a deed, or a petition as long as the context of the basket is examined. Although Indian literature was not always alphabetic, various tribes had their own forms of communication as well as a permanent way to pass on their traditions from generation to generation. This basket is part of that communication.

Like Ash trees, sweetgrass is becoming harder and harder to find: "it is becoming more difficult to locate, and gatherers believe that its population is declining " (Shebitz 258). However, steps are being taken to preserve what sweetgrass is left and introduce sweetgrass where there is no longer any. For example, Daniela J. Shebitz and Robin W. Kimmerer worked with Kanatsiohareke, a Mohawk farm, to explore the possibilities of the reestablishment of sweetgrass because "Traditional crafts made from locally grown plants can strengthen the community both by preserving traditional art forms, such as basketry, and by providing a means of income" (Shebitz 258). This project emphasizes the connection between plant, tradition, and community. Likewise, baskets are an important part of the Abenaki community both in the past and in the future.

What is a Fancy Basket?

Probably from the 1900s, this basket was created at the height of the fancy basket period. Because fancy baskets were very popular in the late 1800s, many Abenaki would travel to tourist destinations in New England. For example, Joseph Laurent, chief of the Abenaki at Odanak from 1880 to 1892, "set off south for the summer with a group of Abenaki and Sokoki Indians to sell baskets. In 1884 they settled on a permanent spot in Intervale" (101 New Hampshire Century). The permanent encampment in Intervale sold baskets among other items such as canoes (101). Joseph Laurent also published New Familiar Abenakis and English Dialogues. His son, Stephen Laurent, later continued work at the Indian Shop and eventually became inspired to translate a dictionary, which helped revitalize the Abenaki Language (Koenig). The shop stayed in business until the late 1900s. Baskets such as this one were probably sold at the shop. These handmade baskets were an essential source of income. The popularity of the baskets coupled with the economic independence provided by this camp and others like it, allowed the basketmaking tradition to survive. As the Abenaki are not federally recognized, baskets such as this one help to reaffirm the Abenaki presence in New England.

The Importance of Context

Baskets require context to understand. Similarly, the Abenaki language places a big importance on context. For example, Stephen Laurent explains, "Even the simple word 'hand' gave one missionary a great deal of trouble. The Jesuit, pointing to his own hand, looked inquiringly at the Indian. The latter grunted, 'Kelji,' meaning Your hand.' Later to verify his records, he repeated his question, pointing to the Indian's hand. This time the answer was, 'Nelji,' meaning 'My hand'" (New Hampshire Century 100). The word hand does not stand-alone; it belongs to someone. The context of the communication is important because it does not make sense for a hand to stand alone, it is part of something bigger: "Finally to isolate the noun, the missionary persuaded someone inside a wigwam to stick out his hand through a slit in the doorway. The answer was 'Awanelji,' 'Someone's hand.'" (100). Likewise, the context of baskets must be discovered for their textuality to be evident.  The fancy basket "movement" illustrates the economic independence of American Indians at the end of the 18th century and beginning of the 19th century. Furthermore, the format of the Abenaki language explains why context is so important as far as Abenaki baskets and other texts are concerned. The hand must belong to someone because that is the way that hands work: without the person and context the hand is meaningless. Likewise the basket does not mean as much without the context surrounding it.

The Next Generation

The next generation is just as important as the last generation: both are needed to strengthen a culture and keep it as a continuing presence. The strongest argument for how a basket counts as a text is in what a basket communicates to the decedents of the basketmaker. In a book dedicated to American Indian basketry, North By Northeast, Kathleen Mundell writes, “The work we create as artists connects us with our ancestors and leaves behind a connection for those yet to be born to remember who we are and were. The baskets, carvings, beadwork, tools, and items that made their way into museums still speak to us and teach us” (Mundell 26). As Joseph Laurent passed down his passion for the Abenaki language to his son Stephen Laurent, so too do others pass down the passion of basketmaking to the younger generations. A basket, when looked at in conjunction to its context can inspire the younger generation to continue the tradition.

Probably made by Mi’kmaq Indians, this small fancy basket was used as a holding place for locks of hair ("Hair Basket"). Keeping hair for sentimental value, "possibly the curls from a first haircut or a memento of a deceased loved one," was popular during Victorian times ("Hair Basket"). This particular basket belonged to Rose Putney Hanson of Hopkinton whose "grandfather, True Putney (1849-1904), remembered Native Americans coming to Hopkinton to sell baskets" ("Hair Basket"). This cylindrical basket is made out of ash splints and sweetgrass. The top edge of the basket is lined with ash splint lace, which was "used by Native basketmakers and was also sold to non-Native basketmakers such as the Shakers"("Hair Basket"). The inside of the basket has dyed purple splints but the outside splints probably lost their color because of sunlight exposure. Sweetgrass has a sweet scent that lasts long after the grass has been dried: "A popular grass that was used then and is still used today is sweetgrass, which is also a sacred grass used in Mi'kmaq ceremonies such as the sweetgrass ceremony that purifies and cleanses body, spirit, and mind" (Sark). This basket is included in the archive because it emphasizes Mi’kmaq culture.

The Significance of the Material

One of the ways that the basket showcases Mi’kmaq culture is through its material. More than simple material, the sweetgrass in this basket has a deeper meaning. It is a plant that has a spiritual connotation. One version of the Mi'kmaq creation story explains how Kluskap's nephew was created by the joining of sweetgrass and the sea: "To honor Kluskap's nephew we braid the sweetgrass, the hair of mother earth" (A Mi'kmaq Creation Story). Basket materials, through their difficult procurement and association with the creation story, are just as important as the basket itself. This hair basket represents tradition, culture, and the hard work and careful mastery of Mi’kmaq basketmakers.

The Contribution of Baskets to Mi'kmaq Culture

Mi'kmaqs have been making baskets for generations. The Mi'kmaqs adapted to economical change brought on by the Europeans by changing the types of baskets they made. Baskets were very important before contact with Europeans and were used for storage and the transportation of goods (Sark). After the Europeans arrived, Mi'kmaqs began trading baskets to Europeans in exchange for materials they did not have and these baskets were utilitarian in nature (Sark). In addition, baskets and the technique of basketmaking were used for the procurement of food: "They contributed to Mi'kmaq survival also by being used for fishing purposes: 'The larger fish were caught most commonly by two methods: one was to build a weir across the stream and to place a basket net in the mouth of a small opening. When the basket filled, it would be emptied and returned to the water'" (Sark). Later on during the 1800s, Mi'kmaqs made both utilitarian baskets and fancy baskets. Utilitarian baskets were sold to farmers during harvests to hold potatoes and other items (Carter). Unfortunately, the farmers overlooked the quality of the baskets and baskets did not sell for the price they were worth (Carter). Fancy baskets, on the other hand, were more decorative and could sell for a higher price. These baskets were appreciated for their art and intricate detail (Sark).

The Creation of a Basket

Making a basket is a difficult procedure. In his article, "Making a Micmac Basket," Roland Caplan explains how a Mi'kmaq basket is made with the instruction of Ellen Googoo, a long time Mi'kmaq basketmaker. The materials, he explains, are hard to come by: "the right wood is not easy to find. It must have good straight grain and no knots" (Caplan 3). The tree must also have "the right texture and the right sap" so that it will split right (Sark). Once the splints are made, they must be smoothed: "The step of smoothing is known as Nultaguan" (Caplan 4). A crooked knife, which has a handle with a curve to it, is used for this process (4). Once the splints are made, it is possible to dye them in different colors. Alternatively, the splints can be left to their natural color. Although commercial dye was used often in the 1800s, natural dye was also sometimes used: "When Mi'kmaq women wanted to include colour in their baskets, they could also dye strips of reed and grass, using berries in various concentrations to create the colours they wanted" (Sark). Different designs, colors, and ways of weaving the baskets each have a meaning and illustrate the artistic skill and passion of basketmakers. Even plain baskets have different widths of splints and patterns of weaving. There are various basket styles from plainer utalitarian baskets to fancy baskets decorated with quillwork. They are all a part of Mi'kmaq culture.

Other Mi'kmaq Crafts

Mi'kmaq Indians are also known for their quillwork on baskets and birchbark. Quillwork is intricate and like basketry takes time and patience. Although few people are left who specialize in quillwork, classes and renewed interest are helping to keep this tradition alive. For example, “The Mi’kmaq Tradition of Quill Basket Making” describes the positive energy created by a quillwork class conducted by Mi’kmaq artisan Beverly Julian of Millbrook: “A sense of Mi’kmaq Pride resonated in a classroom downstairs at the Wagmatook Cultural center just before Christmass 2010” (Paul). The class has encouraged many students to pass down their skills to the next generation (Paul). The continuance of basket making relies on the teaching of the traditions to the younger generation. Their adaptability helps the tradition survive. Our Lives in Our Hands also depicts a basket making class filled with students of all ages. Although few people were making baskets, renewed interest is increasing the number of basketmakers as well as the number of people interested in purchasing baskets.

The Economics of Basketmaking

The mid to late 1900s were difficult for the Mi'kmaqs especially before their federal recognition in 1980 (Carter). Mechanization on farms made baskets obsolete and the allure of cheap machine-made objects easily shadowed the hard work and mastery that goes into making a basket (Carter). However, basketmaking is again making its way to the forefront. Various basketmakers, Mi'kmaq and otherwise, are emphasizing their handmade craft as something that is worth paying a high price for. For example, Rita Smith, was a basketmaker also known for her work for the First Nation Horton reserve. This video shows her teaching her grandchildren about basketmaking. In a world were most objects are mass produced by machines, a handmade object heavily stands out as representative of culture and physical skill.

This basket is important because it demonstrates the skill, adaptability, and devotion to detail and art of the Mi’kmaq people during a time that was historically very difficult. Despite changes in the economy as well as pressure from the Europeans to think and act in different ways, they were able to keep basket making, quillwork, and other traditions alive.

Works Cited

A Mi'kmaq Creation Story. Youtube. Youtube, 16 June 2011. Web. 27 June 2012.

Caplan, Ronald. "Making a MicMac Basket." Cape Breton's Magazine 1 Jan. 1973: 3-5. Print.

Carter, Karen, and Harold Prins, dirs. Our Lives in Our Hands. Documentary Educational Resources, 1986. Film. 

"Hair Basket." Hopkinton Historical Society.

Paul, George. "Quill Basketry." Nova Scotia Basketry Guild. Nova Scotia Basketry Guild, n.d. Web.

Sark, Tiffany. "Basket Weaving." The Government of Prince Edward Island. Government of Prince Edward Island, 2001. Web. 27 June 2012.

Probably used to store fruits and vegetables, this basket was made to hang on a hook on the wall (Hopkinton Historical Society). Wide-open spaces at the bottom of the basket would allow air to circulate facilitating the quick drying of food or other items placed in the basket (Hopkinton Historical Society). According to the Hopkinton Historical Society, there is a residue on the inside of the basket that may suggest something wet was hung to dry inside it (Hopkinton Historical Society). The strong handle would probably be able to support a heavy load. In addition, the edge of the basket is reinforced with a continuous splint in a spiral formation. The strength of the basket illustrates the skill with which baskets are made. Although the basket is utilitarian in nature, "red and black natural dyes were swabbed on the exterior of some of the splints and on the visible portion of the interior"(Hopkinton Historical Society). The visible black splints make a square checkerboard shape, which compliments the pattern of the plain colored splints. The black splints were dyed with natural dyes, which suggest the date of the basket to be from the late 1700s to mid 1800s (Hopkinton Historical Society).

A Basket Speaks

But what analysis can be gained by looking at a basket? How much can a basket say? In her essay, "The Cultural Work of a Mohegan Painted Basket," Stephanie Fitzgerald writes, "Baskets, which were and still are ceremonial and utilitarian objects used for transportation and storage of items, prayer ceremonies, and traditional games, function as communicative devices. In sum, by touching every aspect of daily Native life, both past and present, basketry is imbued with cultural and spiritual power" (Fitzgerald 53). As an object needed for daily use, baskets have a direct connection to daily Native life. Because a basket is connected to the community, both now and in the past, through the basket making process and through its functional uses, baskets form a big part of Abenaki culture and tradition.

An Open Dialogue

Non-native written documents are biased and looking at non-alphabetic texts can create a bigger picture and form a more complete version of history. In his article, "Oral Tradition as Complement," Gordon Day writes, "All through the period of discovery, exploration and colonization they caught only glimpses of the Indian's attitudes, motivations, and understanding of the situation, and they were obviously not in a position to observe many events which were witnessed by Indian observers" (Day). In other words, non-native texts cannot explain everything because there is much that was only seen through the Indian's perspectives. Additionally, non-native writers were often biased and could not understand the position of the Abenaki: "dialogue with indigenous records enable us to imagine a literary tradition routed in negotiation and dialogues - rather than simply conquest and colonial monologues as the foundation of American Literature" (Rasmussen 9). The possibility of "A literary tradition routed in negotiation and dialogues" is why baskets are included within this archive (9). They are witnesses to a larger picture of history. Furthermore, because the Abenaki are not federally recognized it is important to appreciate baskets as a form of documentation that proves the continuing presence of Abenaki people, culture and traditions. As part of the criteria for recognition includes “documentation of sustained unity and government,” baskets can only aid the goal (Lindholm).

The Abenaki Today

The Abenaki are not federally recognized, however, four Abenaki bands, The Missisquoi, the Koasek, The Nulhegan, and Elnu tribes, have Vermont state recognition. This state recognition is important because of three reasons. First, it allows their artisans to sell items with the Native American made label, which lets the artisans sell their wares for a higher price. This enables many basketmakers to be financially independent through their craft. Second, it “allows members to apply for some federal programs including housing and education grants” (Lindholm). It opens the doors for the society to progress. Third, it provides a positive emphasis on their idea of identity. In other words, they no longer have to fight as hard to convince others of their identification as Abenaki: "Wabanaki Basketry can be used by Wabanaki people to assert tribal sovereignty and promote decolonization" (Neuman 100). Basketry also works as an outlet of communication between natives and non-natives (Neuman). It enables the dialogue started by looking at native texts to continue.

The Worth of a Basket

By focusing only on written works, a heavily non-native view is explored. Baskets add an additional piece of the puzzle to the Abenaki view of the world. Baskets such as this one prove that the Abenaki had and continue to have their own concrete culture.

Although this basket is utilitarian and not decorative as some of the fancy baskets in this archive, the “textuality” or literary worth of the basket is evident through its materials, its uses, and the careful process of basketmaking. This archive aims to be one of inclusion, not exclusion. By including both utilitarian and fancy baskets in context with their materials, the process of basketmaking, and the way that baskets continue to affect the Abenaki and other tribes today, a larger literary picture is formed.

Works Cited

Made from ash splint and detailed with Hong Kong Cord, this berry basket stands out because of the handwritten note on its ash splints that names the encampment on Bassett Mill Road in Hopkinton, NH as the location where it was sold and possibly made. The various splints of varying shapes and sizes, which were "not cut using a gauge as is typical of later baskets made by Abenaki artisan basketmakers," indicate the basket as utilitarian (Hopkinton Historical Society). The basket "is physical evidence of Native American life in Hopkinton in the 1800s," which is important because Indians in New England are commonly presumed to have disappeared (Hopkinton Historical Society). This basket is one object among many that offers proof of Native Americans in New England and is representative of Abenaki culture, tradition, and survival.

The Meaning of The Material

Hong Kong cord, "a commercially produced cord of natural fibers, imported and sold to native Americans for use in woodsplint baskets," was used instead of sweetgrass to speed up production, which shows the Abenaki ability to adapt in order to survive economically (McMullen 19). Despite being hard to acquire, sweegrass is still used in baskets today. Because Baskets have taken a more artistic and cultural meaning, they can sell for much more. Being able to use different materials, however, is important to many basketmakers. For example, Judy Dow and Gail Tremblay use modern and sometimes unusual materials while still weaving in the traditional way. They do this because it is important to preserve the process even if traditional materials are increasingly difficult to find.

The Threat of the Emerald Ash Borer

Ash trees are becoming rarer because of the emerald ash borer, an invasive species from Asia. The emerald ash borer attacks the ash tree, eating the leaves while the larvae burrow into the tree bark, making it unsuitable for making into splints. Because the ash borer is so devastating to the ash tree, it has a big affect on the Native community, especially those who pound ash for baskets.  There are efforts, however, to preserve the tree and stop the spread of the emerald ash borer. The Cerceris wasp, for example, makes a good predator for the emerald ash borer. Education is also a powerful tool as the transportation of firewood is the easiest and fastest way for the borer to spread. Discouraging people from transporting firewood is the best way to prevent the spread of the borer.

The Abenaki and Conservation

Some Abenaki are also involved in conservation efforts. For example, the Nulhegan tribe along with the Sierra Club of Vermont is advocating for tribal and town forests called the Our Forests Our Future initiative: "The land we walk upon is a gift and from that land my people were able to meet their every need and maintain the beauty of the land" (SierraClubVT). The forests would only be used for traditional activities such as sustainable hunting and fishing, recreational activities such as hiking, and would serve as “a place to teach our children the simplicity of sustainable living and stewardship” (SierraClubVT). These forests would also help with the acquirement of ash trees for basketmaking as well as provide clean air to breathe in addition to clean medicine and food. One of the goals of the project is to provide safe, natural habitats and migration routes for animals. By building community, sustainable resources, and a sanctuary for wildlife, tribal and town forests offer many positive aspects for both natives and non-natives alike. The natural materials of this basket are an important part of Abenaki culture as illustrated through the Abenaki creation story. The only way that baskets can continue to be made with traditional materials is through conservation and preservation.

The Importance of the Next Generation

As emphasized in many of the basket descriptions, the passing down of traditional ways to the younger generation is imperative to the continuance of the Abenaki culture. The goal of teaching children traditional ways is underscored on the Nulhegan Abenaki website: "Teaching our young ones the skills and customs of our ancestors keeps our heritage alive. We empower our children to, not only to survive but, thrive during economic hardships by utilizing the traditions and practices of our ancestors, such as organic agriculture and permaculture" ("Culture"). Town and tribal forests can also serve as a place to teach children traditional ways as well as teach non-native children a more accurate depiction of history and Abenaki way of life in order to break down erroneous stereotypes.

Works Cited

"Culture." Nulhegan Abenaki Tribe. Nulhegan Abenaki Tribe, 2012. Web. 21 July 2012.

McMullen, Ann. Key into the Language of Woodsplint Baskets. Institution for American Indian Studies, 1987.

Mundell, Kathleen. North by Northeast: Wabanaki, Akwesasne Mohawk, and Tuscarora Traditional Arts. TilburyHousePublishers, 2008.

SierraclubVT. Luke Willard at Vermont May Day Rally 2012-Abenaki Tribal Forests. YouTube. YouTube, 10 May 2012. Web. 21 July 2012.

This ash splint yarn basket, dating to 1760, is one of the earliest baskets in our online archive. It is also one of the earliest known Penacook baskets. The early date is notable because most baskets around today are of a later date. Part of the Hopkinton Historical Society collection, this basket once held a label that read, "Ball Basket for Knitting Work/ Date 1760" and indicates that the basket would have been used as a holding place for yarn (Hopkinton Historical Society). Additionally, a piece, meant to hold knitting needles, is missing. Splints of different sizes make up the rotund shape of the basket. Several splints are dyed black with a natural dye. Despite fading, red and yellow dye is evident on some of the splints. This basket boasts a friendship chain around the lid and at various points around its midsection (Hopkinton Historical Society). (The friendship chain is also present in another basket within this archive.) The basket boasts an equal mix of utilitarian purpose and aesthetic design. In other words, it fulfills both the functions of utility and decoration. This basket and others like it are a testament to the continuing presence of the Abenaki people long after they are said to have disappeared from New Hampshire. Much earlier than the popular fancy baskets of the late 1800s, the basket is a precursor that emphasizes the longstanding Abenaki tradition of basket making.

The Significance of an Early Basket

The early date of this basket indicates that the Abenaki adapted economically much sooner than the fancy basket period: “Beginning in the 1700s, making and selling baskets and other traditional art forms became a means of survival that still allowed for the freedom to continue traditional ways” (Mundell 25). Not only were they selling utilitarian baskets to farmers but were creating more specialized baskets to fill specific needs such as this particular basket for yarn. Most baskets do not have such an early date because baskets were utilitarian in purpose: they were not preserved.

Proof of a Continued Culture

The tradition of making baskets as well as the stories that accompany the process are just as important as the physical object itself. While the presence of the physical basket reminds the younger generation about their ancestors, the actual process forms a deeper connection because they are performing the same acts as their ancestors (Mundell). The time, effort, and talent needed in creating the baskets leave a lasting effect. Baskets are an important aspect of Abenaki culture that underscores the tribe's adaptability and survival.

For a long time, Abenaki people were hidden from mainstream vision and baskets such as this one help to reaffirm the continued presence of their culture and traditions. This basket emphasizes that the Abenaki people were not simply making baskets for profit. The designs and materials have a context that transforms this basket into a text that can be read. It expresses that while Abenaki basketmakers altered the specific types of baskets they made, they continued to express traditional and perhaps historical messages through their baskets. The functional aspect of baskets does not diminish its power of communication (Fitzgerald).

Works Cited

"Digital Collection: Abenaki Knitting Basket." Memorial Hall Museum Online. Pocumtuck Valley Memorial Association, 2008. Web. 30 May 2012.

Fitzgerald, Stephanie. "The Cultural Work of a Mohegan Painted Basket." Early Native Literacies in New England. Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2008. 52-56. Print.

Mundell, Kathleen. North by Northeast: Wabanaki, Akwesasne Mohawk, and Tuscarora Traditional Arts. Tilbury House Publishers, 2008. Print.

Rasmussen, Birgit Brander. Queequeg’s Coffin: Indigenous Literacies and Early American Literature. Duke University Press Books, 2012. Print.

Indian Melodies was written while Thomas Commuck lived in Wisconsin. Commuck states that he authored the book; by this, he means that he both collected learned songs and wrote his own as well. While the majority of songs seem to be written by Commuck, some, such as the very first song, “Pequot,” have “Words by Dr. Watts” or another such suggestion. The songs themselves are both religious and richly expressive and their context consists of everyday life, hardships, harmony, and the connection one has with a higher power. No matter the context, the songs continually consist of a descriptive language of emotion or commentary on various experiences. Some of the most powerful songs are those including religious experience and natural imagery. The song, “Flathead” is able to represent behaviors and characteristics of the Flathead Indian Nation, while using the concept of a higher power, harmony, fellowship, and natural imagery. The mixture of all these things creates a noble representation of the Flathead people,

Blest are the sons of peace
Whose hearts and hopes are one
Whose kind designs to serve and please
Through all their actions run

Blessed is the pious house
Where zeal and friendship meet
Their songs of praise, their mingled vows,
Make their communions sweet

Thus on the heavenly hills
The saints are blest above
Where joy, like morning dew distils
And all the air is love (Commuck 10).

Commuck writes of their personal characters, how they spend time together, their belief in heaven, and importantly, their connection with nature. The fact that in the same stanza referencing the Flatheads’ beliefs, nature is entwined, exemplifies the fact that while Native Americans before and in Commuck’s time may have converted to Christianity, they have not lost their roots in the process. Everything here is positive and represents one Native American’s view, of a fellow Native people. In this way, Commuck not only uses Indian Melodies as a form of expression, he also uses it in a way that positively asserts Native Americans.  

Looking at Commuck’s Indian Melodies in comparison with a few others written from around the same time, to more modern collections, one is able to see what exactly makes Commuck’s book so important in the history of written music publications. In 1907, the first copy of The Indians’ Book was published. Written by Natalie Curtis, The Indians’ Book is a collection of songs, stories, and art by Native Americans. Many of the songs are written in the tribe’s original language-some with translations underneath. The focus of the collected songs has less to do with religion and context, and more to do with Curtis's own enjoyment in collecting songs from Native American people: “The unstudied song of primitive man is as soulful in its purpose as developed art, but its simple expression of far simpler things” (xxvi). This statement displays how, while Curtis sees the importance of preserving Native American songs, they were not considered equal to other “developed art” of her time.

In contrast to Curtis’s view, over 50 years prior Commuck wrote and published a collection of Native American songs and asserted himself as a man of purpose and intellect. This author appears as an individual who could hold his own in a white world. Curtis makes remarks such as, “Let us pause in the stress of our modern life to listen to the ancient lore of our own land” (xxix). In Indian Melodies, Commuck’s language is eloquent and displays how vocally aware and active Commuck is in the modern world; while The Indians’ Book, highlights creative expression, it does so without the assertion of equality. Curtis’s book is beneficial because it brings to light the talent and beauty of Native American artistic expression via songs and stories, but is still filtered through the eyes of a culture who still see Native Americans as being a race needing to catch up to modernity.

Music in America: An Anthology from the Landing of the Pilgrims to the Close of the Civil War. 1620-1865 was published in 1964 by W.W. Norton & Company. It is a collection of songs, and their histories in America. The first three chapters consist of “Psalmody in New England,” “First Instruction Books and Singing Schools,” and “Music of the Ephrata Cloister and the Moravians,” but the latter half of the book pertains to Commuck’s time. Chapter four is entitled “Native American Composers” yet not one of the composers listed is an actual Native American. Instead, they are men, at least second generation, of Europeans who happened to be physically born in America. Commuck and these American born composers have similarly named their songs based on people, places, and events. They also both write of religious experience and hope, but their differences lay in their context. Francis Hopkinson wrote the song, A Toast, in order to show respect for “George Washington, emerging as the military and political leader of our new nation” (Gleason, et al 97). All of the composers in Music in America write their songs based on the white man’s experience in their “new nation.”

Commuck makes the point that, “As the tunes in this book are the work of an Indian…the tunes therefore will be found to assume the names of noted Indian chiefs, Indian females, Indian names of places, &c. This has been done merely as a tribute of respect to the memory of some tribes that are now nearly if not quite extinct; also as a mark of courtesy to some tribes with whom the author is acquainted” (vi). Both the English-American born composers and Commuck write songs of hope, respect, and historical and religious significance, but men such as Hopkinson are celebrating their “new nation” while Commuck’s hymns are holding onto the existence of one that’s being threatened.

Collections of English-American music as well as Native American music have been written and published by white men and women from before Commuck’s time to today, but Indian Melodies has been a continual oversight. Commuck’s collection, authored by a Native American regarding Native Americans, asserted himself in a world dominated by English psalmody. In the midst of oppression and after years of colonization and Christianization, Commuck’s book displays how the oral tradition of songs and hymns asserts Native Americans as academic, creative and religious equals.

Works Cited

Brooks, Joanna. American Lazarus: Religion and the Rise of African-American and Native American Literatures. Oxford University Press, 2003.

Bross, Kristina, and Hilary E. Wyss. Early Native Literacies in New England: A Documentary and Critical Anthology. Univ of Massachusetts Press, 2008.

Commuck, Thomas, Thomas Hastings, and Samson Occom. Indian Melodies: By Thomas Commuck. Harmonized by Thomas Hastings. G. Lane & C.B. Tippett, 1845.

Contributors, See Notes Multiple. A Choice Collection of Hymns and Spiritual Songs; Intended for the Edification of Sincere Christians, of All Denominations. By Samson Occom, Minister of the Gospel. [Text]. Gale ECCO, Print Editions, 2010.

Curtis, Natalie. Indians’ Book. Dover Pub. Co., 1968.

Kellaway, William. The New England Company, 1649-1776: Missionary Society to the American Indians. Barnes & Noble, 1962.

Love, William DeLoss. Samson Occom and the Christian Indians of New England. Syracuse University Press, 1899.

Marrocco, William Thomas, and Harold Gleason. Music in America: An Anthology from the Landing of the Pilgrims to the Close of the Civil War, 1620-1865. W.W. Norton, 1964.

Moore, MariJo. Genocide of the Mind: New Native American Writing. Nation Books, 2003.

Spinney, Ann Morrison. Passamaquoddy Ceremonial Songs: Aesthetics and Survival (Native Americans of the Northeast: History, Culture, and the Contemporary). 1st ed. Univ. of Massachusetts Press, 2010.

Troutman, John W. Indian Blues: American Indians and the Politics of Music, 1879-1934. University of Oklahoma Press, 2012.

Indian Walls - Narragansett Tribal Stonemasons in New England. 2008.

“Brothertown Indians.” F576 W81 (January 1, 1998).

“Divine Hymns, or Spiritual Songs; for the Use of Religious Assemblies and Private Christians."

The Life of a Basket

waligek abaznoda gagalnemenal/ abaznodakad w’eljial.

A good basket holds its maker's hands.

(Jesse Bruchac, "Abaznodaal")

Baskets are very important in Abenaki culture, and Abenaki linguist Jesse Bruchac's poem describes them as having life within them. Abenaki oral tradition ties the people intimately to baskets by way of the natural materials used to make them. According to ethnohistorian Gordon Day, Western Abenakis believe that “man was created by Tabaldak… he created a couple from living wood who pleased him and who became the ancestors of the Indian race” (218).

Abenaki Language and Baskets

In the Abenaki language, words are categorized as either “animate” or “inanimate.” The word for basket, abaznoda, is inanimate. And yet "inanimate" does not mean "less important." Day explains that “many things are alive that whites commonly regard as inanimate, and every living thing has its own peculiar power, more or less specific in kind and limited in quantity” (218). Elie Joubert, an author and teacher of the Abenaki language, elaborates on this point:  an animate noun is “the Abenaki way of expressing connectedness with reverence to living things, celestial bodies, and the creation of all things great and grand on this land. The determination was made long ago, by our ancestors according to their view of the world at that time. We as speakers of the language do not question why one bush is animate and another is inanimate.”

Abenaki Culture in a Basket

The basket pictured here captures these relationships between the people, their history, and their land and resources.  Unlike many of the fancy baskets seen in museums, it is a strictly utilitarian item--an unusual find, since baskets of this type were often thrown away. The Hopkinton Historical Society obtained this basket from a local farmer named Ebenezer Morrill (1806-1892), who reported that he got it from a Native woman who camped by the river in Contoocook.

In its original description, the Historical Society noted that this basket is sturdy, able to carry heavy items, and that it shows evidence of having been made in relative haste: its splints are not smoothed as they are in more decorative baskets; and its vertical warps are cut off, rather than folded in at the rims.

For all the humble nature of its design, this basket is nevertheless a powerful testament to Native people's continuous presence in the Hopkinton area throughout the 1800s, and in New Hampshire more generally, despite the persistent myth that they "vanished" from this state. 

Basketmakers Today

Like basketmakers, advocates and teachers of the language like Jesse Bruchac and Elie Joubert are working to ensure that Abenaki culture and will survive through many more generations. These teachers are adapting to new economies and technologies: Bruchac uses media like YouTube to document his children learning the language. Just as this utilitarian basket has survived two hundred years, carrying histories of its culture, the Abenaki language has also survived, carrying the stories and knowledge of the people who have lived along the river in Contoocook and in other areas of New England since time immemorial.

Works Cited

Bruchac, Jesse Bowman., Joseph Alfred Elie. Joubert, and Jeanne

A. Brink.L8dwaw8gan Wji Abaznodakaw8gan: The Language of Basket Making. Greenfield Center, NY: Bowman, 2010. Print.

Day, Gordon M. Title In Search of New England's Native Past: Selected Essays by Gordon M. Day. Univ of Massachusetts Pr, 1999. Print.

For generations of indigenous people, the art of basketry has been a primary source of economic survival and cultural preservation. Basket making is never a solitary process; from the gathering and preparation of materials, learning the many styles and techniques of basketry, to marketing and distribution, networks of people become involved and play crucial roles in their manufacturing. From traveling basket makers in Victorian times to present-day craftspeople showcasing their work in fairs and conventions, basketry continues to emphasize the importance of family life and oral tradition along with the relevance of non-text based communal literacy.

The Meaning of the Floral Design

This particular basket is a small berry basket featuring a floral pattern, alternating horizontal bands of red and blue, and a series of diagonal dash marks next to every flower. According to Wabanaki basket expert Gaby Pelletier, berry baskets tended to be made quickly and efficiently so they could be used to hold fruits that would be sold along with their container. The patterns on the sides may have been created using potato stamps, a method of decorating that quickened the production of baskets for selling purposes and according to Pelletier is highly unusual for Abenaki baskets to have. This basket’s floral design may have been used to attract white clients to the berries being sold by evoking imagery from European art styles; however it could also be interpreted as being a symbol of nature, thus showing the ability of indigenous people to maintain their cultural identity while still appeasing white settlers. Small berry baskets such as this were also helpful in allowing children to pick fruit alongside their families and enabling them to observe cultural traditions and learn valuable life skills. Yet Pelletier also explains that the basket's handle is indicative of European influence, as its attachments are too delicate for the wear that it would have received during berry picking, perhaps suggesting that this basket may have been sold as a souvenir rather than used for utilitarian purposes.

The Importance of Family

Family life always has been and continues to be a key factor in the preservation of the basket making tradition among Native Americans of New England. In the film "Our Lives in Our Hands" by Harold Prins and Karen Carter, a documentary examining Mi'kmaq basketry, the majority of people interviewed described their family as playing a crucial role in how they acquired their basket making abilities. Several of the people interviewed described how they learned through watching relatives weaving for years, echoing the importance of a non-text based form of literacy. While both men and women take an equal part in the process of weaving, men were traditionally more likely to go out into the woods to cut down and pound the ash trees that baskets were typically made from. However, one man interviewed did mention that due to the decline in passing down traditions such as basket making (and language), he has started showing his daughters how to make the tools such as axes needed to make splints along with his son.

Relationship between Europeans, Natives, and Basketmaking

Once colonists began arriving in New England, baskets became a link between the native people and the Europeans. Lisa Neuman's article "Basketry as Economic Enterprise and Cultural Revitalization" explains the history of basketry as a non-threatening economic enterprise: "Beginning in the 1860s, Wabanaki families began to set up summer encampments in Maine's famed resort area of Bar Harbor, on Mt. Desert Island, primarily to sell baskets and crafts to tourists and the island's wealthy summer residents. At Bar Harbor, Wabanaki families would sell door to door and invite potential customers to visit their encampments, sometimes dressing in clothing that met tourists' romanticized expectations of Indianness to attract sales (Neuman 93)". This method of sales enabled Indigenous craftspeople to introduce European settlers to their way of life, allowing these colonists to lift the veil and see them not as stereotypes, but rather as another culture with similarities to their own. The essay "'A Precarious Living': Basket Making and Related Crafts Among New England Indians" by Nan Wolverton reaffirms the communal nature of basketry: "Like basket makers, chair bottomers traveled to the homes of their customers, and there they performed their craft, often telling stories simultaneously. By spending many hours within the family circles, these artisans often earned the respect and friendship of their customers through their work and their stories" (Wolverton 356-357). Maintaining repeat customers was very common among Native basket members, and in some instances this resulted in lifelong friendships between whites and Native Americans. This sort of traveling salesmanship can be seen as bridging the divide between Native peoples and the white societies they lived on the fringes of through the trust gained through their craftsmanship.

Basketmaking Today

Today basket and craft fairs encourage communication between tribes as well as between native and non-native residents of New England. These fairs encourage non-native people to ask questions and learn through hearing directly from tribe members about their trade and culture. These conversations echo the early tenuous cross-cultural bridges made between Native people and the colonists whose homes they visited to demonstrate their craft and tell their stories in the 1800s. Annual craft fairs are also a way for members of the same tribe to get together and talk to one another face to face. These fairs provide an “opportunity to travel and spend time with relatives from around the region. Basket sales also provide people with the opportunity to promote cross-cultural awareness, and this can be intertribal as well as intercultural” (Neuman 97). The Mi'kmaq tribe also has a “Basket Bank”, a place where craftspeople making baskets can bring their work to sell for a fairer price than they might receive elsewhere, and in turn their baskets are resold as well as used for demonstrations or showcasing in museums. Websites such as the Maine Indian Basketmakers Alliance provide information about upcoming basket and craft fairs with links to websites for tribes in Maine, museums, and national basket associations as well as showcasing their mission statements: preservation of natural resources such as sweet grass for future generations, expanding markets, and maintaining and handing down traditions for younger generations and other tribes.

Works Cited

Calloway, Colin G., ed. Reinterpreting New England Indians and the Colonial Experience. 2003. Print.

Neuman, Lisa K. "Basketry as Economic Enterprise and Cultural Revitalization: The Case of the Wabanaki Tribes of Maine." Wicazo Sa Review. 25.2 (2010): 86-106. Print.

Dir. Prins, Harold, and Carter, Karen. Our Lives in Our Hands. Northeast Historic Film. DVD.

In 1820, the Missouri Compromise declared Maine an independent state; the Penobscot Indians faced loss of land in direct violation to the 1790 Trade and Non-intercourse Act. The Trade and Non-intercourse Act was meant to protect Indian lands on a federal level, and other treaties also made by the Penobscot with the former Commonwealth of Massachusetts in 1796 and 1818 were meant to help establish reservation lands.

On August 17, 1820—a mere nine years before the Penobscot Land Claims Petition—the Maine signed a new treaty with the Penobscot people, effectively releasing the Commonwealth from their former agreements with the Native Americans of Maine. Only three of the four tribes in Maine, the Penobscot, the Maliseet, and the Micmac, signed this treaty. The Passamaquoddy people, the last of the four tribes comprising the Wabanaki people of Maine, were the only tribe to not sign the treaty.

Maine was and remains a border state with the territory that is now modern-day Canada. Maine was formed before the American Civil War and during a time when there was still significant tension between American, French, and English settlers. There was a drive to lay claim to the largely unknown interior and fringe areas of Maine. As property as a form of power grew, the demand for ownership of the new, rich areas in Maine became a goal for the white settlers. The Penobscot people had already given up vast areas of tribal land to the government of Maine when the 1829 petition was written, and the document sought to voice their concerns about losing the diminished portion that they had left.

As seen in the 1829 petition, the additional transfer of Penobscot lands when so much had been “sold” (or forcibly handed over already), was quietly responded to as an outrageous notion. The Penobscot people’s first argument was that the State of Maine had a large quantity of wild lands that the Penobscot and other Native Americans of Maine ceded to them. Those lands had thus far been relatively unused and the Penobscot compromised by offering that once all the land was used up then they would gladly share with their white neighbors. The Penobscot wrote that “Till this is the case, leave us this little pittance, the miserable remains [still in their possession]. The wording in this section of the petition was likely crafted to dissuade the government from taking more of their land and show the “pittance” or “miserable remains” were inadequate, not worth the effort to obtain from the Penobscot.

One of the substantial concerns the Penobscot people had was that if they were to continue selling their land in Maine, there would be no land remaining for future generations. The Penobscot relied on the land’s resources for sustenance and to keep their traditional practices of hunting and fishing alive. In the petition, it is highlighted that through settlement of Penobscot territory—that was supposedly theirs to govern and call home—a fish trap was destroyed, and white settlers stole previously harvested and stored provisions from their land. By bringing attention to these struggles, the Penobscot people attempted to obviate any further dispossession.

Throughout the petition, the Penobscot continually maintain that they are willing to work with the terms of the white people in order to come to a common understanding. In reference to building a tavern on a military road so white men had a place to stop along their travels, the Penobscot were very willing to make “such men to be accommodated.” The Penobscot also point to the fact they anticipated the white settlers would ask for more taverns along the road when they complain that one is not enough. The Penobscot refer to the white people as their “brothers” and “brethren,” recognizing certain equality between them, and are taken aback by the whites not treating them the same respect and understanding. In the closing lines of the petition the Penobscot write: “We have been faithful to our white brethren and all we ask in return, is, that their contract towards us should be just and reasonable.”

In 1833, four years following the 1829 Penobscot Indian Land Claims Petition, a controversial sale of some of the remaining Penobscot lands took place. It is said that a number of the Penobscot tribal members who signed the treaty did not understand exactly what they were giving up when they did so. Further loss of Penobscot land took place and 100,000 acres of land was sold, leaving only 5,000 acres in the ownership of the tribe. It was not until over a century later, in accordance with the Maine Indian Claims Settlement Act of 1980, that the Penobscot and other Wabanaki tribes in Maine were compensated for the unlawful disposition of their tribal lands.

What is perhaps most troubling—and perhaps most worth noting—is this thought of the intent to gain possession of tribal lands at all costs. That the Penobscot people signed away land unintentionally is further testament to the settlers’ avarice and disrespect toward not only the Penobscot, but many other tribes at this time. Such documents as this petition are central to our discussions of reclamation and land rights and are worth excavating for the richness of culture and context they provide.